Ben Saul, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism, told the UN Human Rights Council that the United States was “raining death,” while describing Somalia as a model “responsible state” committed to strengthening human rights.

He argued that counterterrorism has been used to justify what he called “naked aggression” and “renewed imperialism” against countries such as Iran and Venezuela, actions he said were “raining death” and making the world less safe.

At the same time, he said that some states facing serious terrorist threats continue to prioritize human rights. Referring to his visit to Somalia, he said his report showed that the country is attempting to strengthen, rather than sacrifice, human rights while confronting terrorism.

As of January 1, 2025, Somalia joined the UN Security Council as a non-permanent member for the 2025–2026 term. In January 2026, Somalia assumed the rotating one-month presidency of the Security Council, chairing meetings, setting the agenda, and overseeing discussions on peacekeeping, counterterrorism, regional stability, and humanitarian challenges. That presidency has now concluded, but Somalia remains on the Council through the end of 2026.

U.S. Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz publicly criticized the UN for assigning senior international positions to unstable countries like Somalia.

Despite Saul’s claims that Somalia was improving, Human Rights Watch reported that the country’s human rights situation deteriorated further in 2025. Al-Shabaab not only continued its campaign of bombings, IED attacks, and targeted killings against civilians, but also recaptured territory the government had regained in 2022, advancing to areas south of Mogadishu.

These findings undermine Saul’s assertions that Somalia is performing well in its counterterrorism efforts.

Repeated cycles of clan conflict in the Gedo and Hiraan regions added to civilian casualties and displacement. Over half of the 300,000 people newly displaced between February and September fled conflict. An estimated 4.4 million people faced urgent food needs by late 2025.

Military courts continued to sentence people to death in terrorism-related cases without meeting basic fair-trial standards. The UN’s own Special Rapporteur on counterterrorism raised due-process concerns about the legal framework and the broad powers granted to the National Security Agency. Key legislation on sexual violence, female genital mutilation, and juvenile justice remained stalled in parliament.

Press freedom worsened measurably. In March, the information minister banned reporting on anything deemed a security threat. Following a bombing targeting the presidential convoy, police detained at least 22 journalists and shut down a media outlet. In Somaliland, 16 journalists were unlawfully detained in the first six months of the year alone. The government also arrested individuals over a social media dance video deemed insulting to the president.

Women’s rights remained severely constrained by legal barriers, early marriage, limited education, and pervasive gender-based violence. Somalia has still not ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Somalia remains one of the highest-ranking countries globally for grave violations against children. Consensual same-sex conduct remains criminalized.

This is the 2025 record of Ben Saul’s model “responsible state.”

Questions have been raised about whether Saul may have been co-opted by China. UN Watch claims that Saul’s office received $150,000 from China in 2025. According to the OHCHR’s official 2025 voluntary contributions table, China donated $200,000 to OHCHR that year. This suggests there is some verifiable basis to the claim, but the connection is not clearly established.

UN Special Rapporteurs serve under the OHCHR, which is partly funded by voluntary contributions from member states, including governments whose counterterrorism practices fall directly within Saul’s oversight mandate. There is no evidence that China paid Saul personally, as he serves without a salary as a Special Procedures expert. However, the institutional funding relationship creates a potential conflict of interest documented in OHCHR’s own records.

So, if he was not paid by China, the question arises: why did he make such claims, particularly when his own report confirms Somalia’s lack of progress in counterterrorism and the extent of its human rights abuses?

UN Special Rapporteurs are appointed through the Human Rights Council, a body whose membership has repeatedly included states with poor human rights records. Among the current and recent members are some of the world’s most systematic human rights abusers. China, which holds over a million Uyghurs in detention camps, was appointed to the body that selects top UN human rights officials. Iran, which executes citizens for social media posts, was appointed to chair the Council’s forum on technology and human rights.

Saudi Arabia, whose government murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi and has imprisoned women’s rights activists, sought a Council seat in 2024. Qatar, which subjected migrant workers to widespread wage theft and unexplained deaths during World Cup construction, secured reelection in 2024.

Egypt and Vietnam, both rated as serial rights violators by Human Rights Watch, won seats in 2025. Eritrea, Burundi, and Sudan, states associated with mass atrocities, indefinite detention without trial, and government-sponsored torture, have all held Council seats, secured through a regional bloc system that eliminates competitive elections and guarantees membership regardless of record.

The HRC has a documented pattern of applying scrutiny selectively, targeting Western democracies and Israel while shielding authoritarian blocs. Rapporteurs operate within that political environment and are not accountable to any independent standard.

Saul’s March 2026 HRC statement was not an anomaly. He has consistently framed U.S. and Israeli counterterrorism operations as the primary global human rights threat while treating adversarial or failed states more charitably. His statements across multiple U.S. extraterritorial operations follow a similar pattern: Western action is described as “naked aggression,” while states aligned against the West are presented as examples of restraint or good practice.

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